Were Traditional Kikuyu Symbols similar to Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs?

 

Ancient Kikuyu Symbols: Tracing Potential Roots to Egyptian Hieroglyphs

Long before the adoption of the Latin alphabet, the Kikuyu people of Central Kenya employed ingenious methods for preserving knowledge and conveying meaning through memory aids and symbolic representations. This article delves into these intriguing early forms of communication, by examining notched sticks, knotted cords, and inscribed symbols. It also explores the potential connections to ancient scripts, including the iconic Egyptian hieroglyphs.

Writing falls into two major categories: mnemonic writing (memory aids without drawn designs) and symbolic representation (painted and drawn designs).

1. Mnemonic Writing: Memory Aids Without Drawn Designs

This first method relies on memory aids to communicate with oneself or others.

·        Notched Sticks: This Method Records Debts and Livestock History. Michael Waweru (mutigairi – meaning the late) informed me that the Kikuyu also used these notches to follow the history of their herds. A specific notch identifying a cow could signify insemination, while another recorded the birth of a calf. This system allowed cattle breeders to estimate milk production. Interestingly, the Kikuyu word for letters or numerals is ndemwa, which translates to "those that have been cut." Father Cangolo of the Consolata Fathers, who lived among the Kikuyu in the 1930s, recorded an instance of an old Kikuyu man using a notched stick at a public meeting to "read" the amount of tax he had paid to the government each year since its collection began. This was a practical demonstration of this mnemonic system in action.

·        Knotted Cords: Counting Time and Marking Significant Events was another form of mnemonic writing, similar to the Incas' complex quipus. Waweru explained that the Kikuyu used knotted cords to count down days towards appointments or major events. For a meeting in seven days, seven knots would be tied. Each morning, a knot would be untied until the last one, ensuring punctuality. The African writer Gathigira, believed to have been educated by the Consolata Fathers, noted a related Kikuyu belief: "when a person was born, God made a knot. When he (God) wanted to recall a person, he undid the knot."

While memory aids like notched sticks and knotted cords primarily served practical record-keeping, the Kikuyu also developed more abstract symbolic representations. These painted and inscribed designs conveyed ownership, identity, and possibly narratives.

2. Symbolic Representation: Painted and Drawn Designs

The second category of early communication involved visual symbols.

·        Clan Symbols on Beehives: Routledge documented that the Kikuyu inscribed symbols on property, such as beehives. He documented clan symbols, suggesting that each clan had its own distinct mark. These symbols served to identify ownership and clan affiliation.

·        The Enigmatic Anjiru Clan Symbol: One specific symbol recorded by Routledge was identified as belonging to the Anjiru Clan. While its original meaning is now lost, the symbol itself features nine lines intersecting at the head. This might suggest a special status for the Anjiru clan among the nine Kikuyu clans since Wanjiru was the first daughter and there head of the nine clans. Intriguingly, this symbol bears a resemblance to the Egyptian hieroglyphic symbol for "wine skins," which represents the bi-consonantal sound 'ms'. It also resembles the Jewish religious symbol for holding candles called a menorah. It's a multi-branched candelabra, most famously a seven-branched one, though variations exist, including the nine-branched Hanukkah lamp (hanukkiya). The major difference with the Kikuyu one, is that if the Hanukkah is assumed to be the right side up, then the Kikuyu one is up-side-down. It is possible that with time, as a symbol, it did not matter which side it was facing, or maybe Routledge drew it facing the wrong side. However, the Ancient Egyptian symbol of Wine skins, has fewer lines a but faces down like the symbol of the Anjiru clan.

If the Anjiru symbol represents leadership or precedence within the Kikuyu clans, its resemblance to the Egyptian hieroglyph for 'wine skins' and the menorah suggests possible symbolic commonalities across cultures. The positioning—upright or upside down—may reflect variations in interpretation over time, much like how certain symbols evolve in different historical contexts.

                                                                                          Clan symbols on Beehives

·        The Gichandi: The Gichandi was a gourd with inscribed designs and attached cowry shells. Routledge (1924) described it as a picture rattle musical instrument used by individuals who moved through the countryside singing to tell their stories. It's assumed objects were sealed inside to create the rattling sound. While the inscriptions on the Gĩchandĩ were not a script, they represent a form of visual communication that potentially bridged purely mnemonic devices and more representational forms. Both Cagnolo and Routledge suggested that the Gĩchandĩ might be a remnant of a period when a more developed form of writing was in use.

                                                 Symbols on the Gichande picture rattle musical instrument

·        Branding Cattle: Symbols were also used for branding cattle to denote ownership, but unfortunately, no examples have survived in the available literature.

3. Evidence of Complex Record Keeping: The Role of Arathi and Ago

It is plausible that the Arathi (seers) and Ago (traditional healers) maintained more complex records, including mathematical computations. The Ituika ceremony, which occurred approximately every thirty years, would have required precise reckoning to maintain its regularity. During this ceremony that took place every 30 years or so, the ruling generation handed over power the young generation that had been in waiting since the last ceremony. Its Egyptian counterpart, the Hebsed festival which also took place every thirty years, was timed by observing the rising of the star Sirius which rose annually during the flooding of the nile.

4. Numerical Systems and Symbolic Patterns

·        The Kikuyu Counting System: Kikuyu numerals largely begin with the prefix i, with exceptions for seven (mũgwanja) and nine (kenda). One is ĩmwe (with a unique prefix ĩ). The others are: two (igĩrĩ), three (ithatũ), four (inya), five (ithano), six (ithathatũ – literally two threes), seven (mũgwanja) eight (inyanya – literally two fours), and ten (ikũmi). Leakey (1959) provides an alternative word for ten, mũrongo, which signifies a complete unit and is often used for units of ten between twenty and ninety – twenty (Mĩrongo ĩrĩ), thirty (Mĩrongo ĩtatũ) etc. One hundred is igana, and one thousand is ngiri. A word for one million has not been identifie as Kikuyus as a variation of English - mirioni.

                                                                               Egyptian symbols for 1, 2, 3, 4, 6 ,8

 

·        Percentages in Kkikuyu: Percentages are expressed descriptively, preceded by the term Gacunji ka … (One piece from …). For example, 10% is Gacunji ga ikumi (one piece from ten pieces), and 1% is Gacunji ka igana (one piece from one hundred pieces).

·        Hieroglyphic Numerals and Kikuyu Equivalents: Egyptian numerals were represented by strokes, with the number of strokes corresponding to the numeral (e.g., one stroke for "one," two for "two"). Six was represented by doubling the three strokes for "three," and eight by doubling the four strokes for "four." A similar pattern appears in the Kikuyu morphemes for three, four, six, and eight. Three is ithatũ, and six is ithathatũ, a repetition of ithatũ. It's possible the original form was ithatu-ithatu. Similarly, eight is inyanya, potentially derived from inya-inya, a repetition of four (inya). The antiquity of the root in inyanya might be seen when compared to the Arabic word for eight, tamanya.

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·        'Ndemwa' and Incised Writing: All forms of letters and numbers are called ndemwa – from tema, "to cut." This term suggests a potential historical awareness of writing incised on materials like stone, a common practice in ancient Egypt, particularly during the 18th Dynasty.

·        'Tara' - To Count: The Kikuyu word tara means "to count." Interestingly, when a word for "computer" was needed in Swahili, scholars coined Tarakilishi, using the prefix Tara. Many Swahili terms borrow from the ancient Kiamu (Lamu) dialect, which surprisingly shares archaic words with Kikuyu. Lamu Island is also notable as the only place where a cat breed resembling the ancient Egyptian Bubastis can still be found. Further research into the semantic field of "Tara" in ancient languages might reveal if it historically included the concept of "to compute."

·        Doubling in Numerals: In Kikuyu, the pronunciation of six involves stating the syllable for three twice (ithatũ ithatũ which over time has become brief, itha-tha-tũ). Similarly, eight is pronounced by repeating the syllable for four (inya inya which over time has become brief, inyanya).

This doubling pattern mirrors the ancient Egyptian representation of six as doubled three and eight as doubled four.

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Conclusion

The Kikuyu people possessed a sophisticated system of memory aids and symbolic communication that served vital functions before the introduction of the Latin alphabet. From the practical use of notched sticks and knotted cords to the more abstract symbols representing clans and potentially conveying narratives on objects like the Gĩchandi, these methods demonstrate a rich visual and conceptual understanding. The intriguing parallels observed in numerical structures and the potential linguistic connections in words like ndemwa and tara suggest possible links to ancient Egyptian modes of recording information. While the precise meanings of all symbols may remain elusive, these vestiges offer a fascinating glimpse into the intellectual and communicative ingenuity of the Kikuyu people. These early methods of record-keeping and symbolic representation highlight the Kikuyu people's intellectual depth. While the direct connection between Kikuyu symbols and Egyptian hieroglyphs is inconclusive, the structural and linguistic parallels point to broader patterns in human communication across civilizations.

This article presents historical and linguistic comparisons based on available research and interpretations. While efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, some connections remain inconclusive and open to further scholarly exploration. Readers are encouraged to engage critically and consult additional sources for deeper insights.